Thursday, 29 April 2010
من اشعار مولانا جلال الدين البلخي الرومي بالفارسية : يار مرا ... غار مرا
نوح تـوئی , روح تـوئی , فاتح و مفتوح تـوئی سينه مشروح تـوی , بر در اسرار مـرا
نـور تـوئی , سـور تـوئی , دولت منصور تـوئی مرغ کــه طور تـوئی , خسته به منقار مـرا
قطره توئی , بحر توئی , لطف توئی , قهر تـوئی قند تـوئی , زهر تـوئی , بيش ميازار مـرا
حجره خورشيد تـوئی , خانـه ناهيـد تـوئی روضه اوميد تـوئی , راه ده ای يار مـرا
روز تـوئی , روزه تـوئی , حاصل در يـوزه تـوئی آب تـوئی , کوزه تـوئی , آب ده اين بار مـرا
دانه تـوئی , دام تـوی , باده تـوئی , جام تـوئی پخته تـوئی , خام تـوئی , خام بمـگذار مـرا
اين تن اگر کم تندی , راه دلم کم زنـدی راه شـدی تا نبـدی , اين همه گفتار مـرا
قل للمليحه في الخمار الأسود :: مـاذا صنعـت بناســك متعـبـد ؟
قل للمليحه في الخمار الأسودمـاذا صنعـت بـزاهـد متعـبـد ؟ |
قـد كـان شمـر للـصـلاة ثيـابـهحتى وقفت له بباب المسجـد . |
ردي عليـه صـلاتـه وصيـامـهلا تقتلـيـه بـحـق ديــن مـحـمـد |
Wednesday, 28 April 2010
قصيدة "ألا يا لطيف يا لطيف لك اللطف" من اذكار المتصوفة في حضرة السادة التيجانية في تونس
بلطفك عُذنا يا لطيفُ وها نحنُ *** دخلنا في وسط اللطف وأنسدل اللطف
نجونا بلطف الله ذي اللطف إنّهُ *** لطيف لطيف لطفُهُ دائمُ اللطف
تدارَكنا باللطف الخفيّ يا ذا العطا *** فأنت الذي تشفي وأنت الذي تعفوُ
أغثنا أغثنا يا لطيفاً بخلقهِ *** إذا نزل القضاءُ يتبَعُهُ اللطف
بجاه إمام المُرْسلين مُحمدٍ *** فلولاهُ عينُ اللطف ما نزل اللطف
عليه صلاةُ اللهِ مَا قال مُنشدٌ *** ألاَ يَا لَطيفُ يَا لَطِيفُ لَكَ اللُّطفُ
عليه صلاة اللهِ ما قال قائل *** لاَ يَا لَطيفُ يَا لَطِيفُ لَكَ اللُّطفُ
عليه صلاة اللهِ مَا قال شاعرٌ *** لاَ يَا لَطيفُ يَا لَطِيفُ لَكَ اللُّطفُ
أيا مؤمنُ أمّن بأمنِكَ خوفنا *** وأمّن بلادا نحن فيها من الخوفِ
أيا مؤمنُ أمّن بأمنك خوفنا *** وأمّن بلادا نحن فيها من الضرِّ
أيا مؤمنُ أمّن بأمنك خوفنا *** وأمّن بلاد المسلمينَ من الشرِّ
بذاتك يا ذا العلا والجلال *** ومن قد حُبِي بسنيِّ الخلال
محمدٍ الهاشميِّ الذي *** به لا يخيبُ لديكَ السؤال
وآيِ البخاريِّ معْ مُسلمٍ *** وكلّ أحاديثِ خيرِ الرجال
وآي الشفا وكتاب الشفا *** وما عُدَّ فيه له من خصال
تكرم علينا ببُرء السقام *** ونيل الذي نرتجي في المآل
وكن حصننا من جميع الهموم *** أيا خير كاف ويا خير وال
وفرج كروبا لقد أثقلت *** لنا الظهر يا من إليه السؤال
فيا أرحم الراحمين ويا *** كريما يحب السخا والنوال
إليك بسطنا أكف الرجا *** فرحماك يا أرحم الراحمين
فما خاب عبدٌ إليك التجا *** وسيلته سيد المرسلين
موشح "بالذي اسكر من عذب اللمى" - اجمل الموشحات و اقرب الألحان الى وجداني
شربل روحانا : و لشو التغيير
Tuesday, 27 April 2010
The Daily Star: Even as Beirut rebuilds, Civil War wounds remain deeply buried
A cacophony of car horns and construction clatter make the derelict former cinema a noisy place for contemplation. Lavish new buildings are growing around it in order to complete the restoration of a once-devastated city center.
Lebanon is caught up in a property boom, which, along with an influx of tourists and bank deposits, is fueling growth that hit 9 percent last year, despite a global economic downturn.
So if the good times are here again, why dwell on the pain of a conflict that erupted in April 1975?
To avoid repeating it, say the creators of war exhibits in the oval former cinema now known as the Dome.
“The problem about the war in Lebanon is its recurrence, the re-emergence of violence every year or so,” said Alfred Tarazi, a 29-year-old artist and graphic designer whose eerie collages of Civil War-era photos fill several walls in the exhibition.
“Violence is a social habit rooted in our society and it always seems a plausible option to resolve a political crisis,” Tarazi said. “I am worried about what can happen.”
Visitors can write on the walls or record the names of loved ones killed in the 15-year war. The audio clips are looped into a ghostly chorus accompanying a video projection of black cloths swaying above a beach, with the Dome itself apparently afloat offshore – echoing the exhibit’s title: “In a sea of oblivion.”
Lebanon has no national war memorial, perhaps understandably in a land where sectarian tensions remain so deep-seated and contemporary events so disputed that school history textbooks do not go beyond independence from France in the 1940s.
After a messy compromise ended the Civil War in 1990 and ushered in an era of Syrian domination, many Lebanese, thirsting for normality, seemed to gloss over the cruelties of the past.
A formal amnesty made most warlords-turned-politicians safe from any accountability for the blood on their hands.
Nevertheless, the families of an estimated 17,000 people still missing after the conflict refused to bury the issue.
Hundreds of photos of those victims, many of them young, are displayed at the Dome as part of a project by the private Lebanese group UMAM to research and document the Civil War.
“They never arrived,” said Marie-Claude Souaid, a researcher at UMAM. “That phase of the Civil War saw the first big waves of displacement. How to displace people without massacres?”
She believes it will take many years for the Lebanese to overcome their troubled past or even to abandon violence.
“There is still this fear,” she said of a country prone to conflict. Hizbullah and Israel fought a war in 2006. Lebanese factions flirted with renewed civil strife when Shiite fighters briefly seized mainly Sunni Muslim parts of Beirut in May 2008.
“Our wars are not over yet,” Souaid said. “We have not yet taken the decision to use something other than weapons.”
The Lebanese state has formally taken up the issue of the missing, but a solution would take time, she added, recalling the 30-year struggle of the mothers of Argentina’s “disappeared.”
Bodies would have to be recovered from mass graves, either in cemeteries under Christian or Muslim religious authorities or in areas known to have been controlled by certain armed groups.
“That means pointing the finger at those responsible,” Souaid said.
“To reach reconciliation, one must admit responsibility.”
Intellectuals often fret over Lebanon’s perceived failure to come to grips with its past, but this does not mean the Lebanese have simply forgotten the war, argues Sune Haugbolle, Danish author of a new book on “War and Memory in Lebanon.”
“This idea of amnesia is problematic because there were a lot of ways in which people dealt with the memory of the war, but just not in the way the intellectuals would like them to.”
Haugbolle cited the posters of “martyred” leaders that plaster certain Beirut neighborhoods, reinforcing sectarian narratives. Those who constructed a memory of the conflict as a “war of others” often ignored the reality of communal violence.
“This war of others is not just the war of outsiders, as in Palestinians, Syrians, Israelis, Americans and so on,” said Haugbolle, who is assistant professor in Modern Islam and Middle East Studies at the University of Copenhagen. “It’s also the idea that a few militia leaders manipulated the whole Lebanese population, who then had no responsibility for what happened – a romanticized idea of the Civil War.”
The war cost an estimated 150,000 dead and many more wounded or displaced. Initially fought between Christian militias and leftists allied to Palestinians, it spawned a dizzying array of conflicts as Syria, Israel and others intervened.
Sectarian boundaries were briefly blurred in the mass protests that followed former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri’s assassination in 2005, but politicians soon reverted to business as usual, playing on communal fears when it suited them.
Yet overt sectarianism is frowned on and for now Lebanon is enjoying fragile political detente that has helped the economy.
Lebanese politicians, including some from rival wartime factions, played a soccer friendly on April 13, the anniversary of the start of the Civil War, to send a message that they are “all one team.”
The slightly comic spectacle generally went down well. “We had a good laugh,” said one newspaper vendor. “But if they run the country the way they play football, we have a big problem.” Such displays mask underlying tensions and fears.
“There isn’t a single Lebanese who doesn’t know how harmful the Civil War was. If the war was over, everyone would engage in this process,” said Tarazi, gesturing at the photos in the Dome. “But we also have this Lebanese way – we have terrible things happening and then we just keep going.”
** this Reuters article appeared in the Daily Star on April 24, 2010. Photos are taken by myself and are not tied to this article **
رد نزار قباني على فيروز سابقا ومن ثم رد تميم البرغوثي على نزار
غـنت فيروز لفلسـطين
Egypt needs a new social contract
"The Islamic state that the supreme guide wants is just another version of the patriarchal state Egypt has known since the 1950s, although his state has different points of reference that are more totalitarian in nature. He wants to re-produce the kind of state which Egyptians are already looking beyond with increasingly strident calls for change.
"Egyptians are now dreaming of a democratic state whose president they will elect and who can be held accountable for his actions. They want him to be a citizen just like they are, because seeing him as an exalted father makes them feel politically inept. Egyptians want a president with defined powers who will rule for a limited number of terms.
"However, the supreme guide does not share the same dream. He has totalitarian reference points that can only produce absolute authority. When people with such references--not necessarily restricted to political Islam--think of change, they tend to focus on people. They are unaware that reform requires a new social contract; totally different from the one which established the patriarchal state based on the 1956 Constitution--which evolved into the slightly better Constitution of 1971.
"According to the old social contract, Egyptians forfeited their political rights and freedoms--or most of them--in order for the state to expand its canopy of care. The state played the role of the father who provides food, clothing, and a home to his family. In return, the father has the right to monopolize the affairs of the people.
"The social components of the patriarchal state are eroding, but the supreme guide still does not see an alternative, as if those who accepted this type of state more than half a century ago are still children.
"Patriarchal authority is something of the past. The social contracts of today are between equal parties, a democratic state and a free society." - Al-Masry al-Yawm English, Egypt
